My research
interests entail cognitive and motivational mental processes underlying
attitudes and social cognition in a cultural context. This work has been
conducted in an attempt to illuminate the consequences of different
attributions about one’s thought processes in the area of person perception,
the culturally specific meanings of action/inaction and the mechanisms that
underpin the effects of thinking and expression in learning associated with
these beliefs. Methodologically, I am utilizing experimental methodologies,
and also receiving training in the field of social neuroscience to
understand the relationship between brain function, attitudes and behaviors
in human social contexts. In the long term, my interests in exploring these
research domains may contribute to formulate a map for understanding how
human feel, think, and behave in social situations.
Intuition and Reasoning in Impression Formation and Change
My master’s
research examined the extent to which perceived thought processes affect the
formation and change of person impressions. Specifically, I investigated how
perceiving that one’s thought processes are intuitive or rational influences
the valence, strength, and confidence of the resulting judgments and the
change of these judgments in the face of contradictory information. Whereas
reasoned judgments are based on an explicit consideration of the factors
leading to the judgment, judgments based on intuition are associated with
unawareness of the reasons underlying the judgment. As a result, perceiving
one’s judgment is based on intuition decreases attempts to counterargue
reasons and thus increases its resistance. In contrast, perceiving one’s
judgment is based on reasoning increases attempts to counterargue reasons
and thus decreases its resistance. Two experiments using individual measures
of cognitive style as well as manipulations of the perception of intuition
confirmed these hypotheses. In Experiment 1, participants received bogus
feedback of the possible thought processes underlying their initial negative
impressions of the target person, and then they received additional
information about the target. In the presence of distraction, an initial
negative impression associated with perceived intuition lasted more than an
initial negative impression associated with perceived reasoning. In
contrast, in the absence of distraction, the initial negative impression
changed regardless of the type of perceived thought process. In Experiment
2, the first set of information about the target was positive and the second
negative, and no distraction was included. Findings replicated those of the
distraction conditions of Experiment 1. That is, participants who perceived
their initial impression as intuitive maintained that impression more than
participants who perceived their initial impression as reasoned.
In the near
future, I am planning to do research on intuition across cultures,
investigating the mechanisms by which people with different cultural
background (Eastern vs. Western) use intuitive cues to make inference about
other people with whom they interact in multicultural situations. In
particular, I am interested in determining whether people are more likely to
use reasoning when they meet people from cultures that are unfamiliar to
them but intuition when they meet people from their own culture. In
addition, I would like to see if Easterners, who place greater value in
intuition, have even more resistant intuition-based impressions than
Westerners, who value intuition less. Such differences may have important
consequences for interactions in various social and work settings in the US
and other places of the globe.
Cultural Differences in Action/inaction Goal Orientations and
Beliefs on Thinking
In addition to
my master’s research, I am working on an independent project examining
whether cultural differences in thinking/verbal expression and understanding
are triggered by general goals to act or to remove resources from action.
Because Chinese individuals exhibit better problem solving when they think
quietly about a problem, thinking silently may be activated following primes
with words like “go,” or “energy” whenever people are asked to learn new
material. In contrast, Americans and other Westerners value overt discussion
of problems. Thus, the same primes should make discussion tendencies more
apparent when
US
participants are asked to learn new material. Moreover, the data from a
questionnaire study showed that, individualistic people value action more
than collectivistic people; however, collectivistic people hold the belief
that thinking is useful to a greater extent than individualistic people. I
hope that understanding the goals that trigger the emergence of culturally
bound behaviors will provide a better understanding of the functioning of
motivation across cultures.